Posts Tagged ‘Education’

Freed from Union Contracts, School Districts Able to Shed Costly Sick Leave Conversion Programs

MacIver News Service | December 8, 2011

While many school districts across Wisconsin have taken steps to protect themselves against unpredictable sick leave policy expenses, others have been hit hard this past year by an unusually high number of retirements.

Thanks to changes in the state law governing public employees, districts can make changes in these programs without having to negotiate with local teachers’ unions.

The MacIver News Service has been conducting research on how different levels of government are impacted by sick leave policy across Wisconsin.  Some policies allow retiring employees to convert unused sick leave into either cash or insurance premiums upon retirement.

We reached out to school district officials across the state, enquiring about their sick leave policies. Almost 80 responded to our requests for information.

Like all levels of government, school districts tend to be generous with sick leave when compared to the private sector. Teachers typically earn 10 to 12 sick days a year, and are allowed to accumulate anywhere from 50 to 160 days. Some districts do not have a limit on how many days can be banked.

What happens to those days when a teacher retires varies greatly. Some districts allow teachers to convert them to cash. Others allow the days to be converted into credits for post-retirement health insurance. And in more than a quarter of the districts that responded, those days are lost upon retirement.

Two superintendents stated their districts view “good health as it’s own reward.”

There were a handful of districts that do not cap the number of days a teacher can bank.  In most of them, those days are lost at retirement anyway. However, two districts, Tomorrow River Schools in Portage County and Sun Prairie school district in Dane County, convert those days into insurance credits. A three year breakdown shows how unpredictable this expense can be.

In 2008-09 TRS paid out $74,970 and SP paid out $27,981. In 2009-10 TRS paid out $102,166 and SP paid out $38,839.  Finally in 2010-11 TRS paid out $118,809 and SP paid out $46,402.

As for districts that pay out sick leave in cash, Palmyra and Sauk Prairie got hit the hardest. In 2009-10 Palmyra paid out $41,331.  In 2010-11 it paid out $109,322.  In 2009-10 Sauk Prairie paid out $45,000.  In 2010-11 it paid out $193,000.

By the way, Palmyra serves a total of 1,152 students and Sauk Prairie serves 2,718, according to DPI.

With Act 10 now in effect, many districts are replacing labor contracts with employee handbooks.  Some districts, like Eau Claire, are moving away from these policies that allow unused sick leave to be cashed out upon retirement.

This is the latest in a series of articles on public employee compensation in Wisconsin.The MacIver News Service earlier reported state employees who had retired in 2011 to that point had converted more than $340 million of unused sick leave into insurance credits. MNS also reported on local governments’ sick leave pay out policies, which also cost millions of dollars annually.

Bill Limiting School Choice Eschews Major Opportunities for Improvement and More Options for Parents, Families

By Christian D’Andrea
MacIver Institute Education Policy Analyst

On November 16, the Assembly Education Committee approved AB 314 on a 6-3 vote, a proposal that will derail school choice expansion for the foreseeable future. This comes less than a year after plans for expansion led to the creation of a Racine voucher program and a potential move out to Green Bay.

So what spurred the sudden change of heart?

Politics. Republican lawmakers – a group that have been responsible for the support and growth of school vouchers in Milwaukee for more than two decades now – are the ones bringing this legislation to freeze school choice to the table. Senate President Mike Ellis has been the vocal leader of a coalition of politicians from both sides of the aisle. In the Assembly Education Committee, only Representatives Jeremy Theisfeldt (R-Fond du Lac), Stephen Nass (R-Whitewater), and Don Pridemore (R-Hartford) voted against the measure. Republicans make up seven members of the 11 person committee.

The two parties have met in the middle to limit school choice and take educational freedom out of the hands of parents across Wisconsin. The freeze was a concession made back in the spring to help bring the two sides closer during the frenzied budget debate. In exchange for less resistance towards the 2011-2013 planned slate of reforms, the battle to expand the country’s first modern school choice program – and potentially the addition of special needs scholarship programs –  would be stalled indefinitely.

This may develop into an even bigger problem thanks to the cautious atmosphere that is primed to grip the Capitol in the midst of recall elections. Pundits in Madison are skeptical that any significant work will take place in the statehouse thanks to Wisconsin’s brewing political turmoil. If so, this will make the trade-off of educational options for a sliver of diplomacy even more lopsided in the wake of inaction.

This means that a parent triggered choice program in Green Bay – where families would decide whether or not they wanted vouchers in their city – has gone from being steps away from a political reality to a legislative burial ground. It means that potential programs in places like Kenosha and Appleton have been squashed before families got a chance to voice their opinion on them. Most importantly, it means that students who can’t afford options other than their local public schools can end up stuck in a failing institution that can’t properly serve them.

Striking down the expansion of school choice may have been a necessary concession to grease the wheels of progress when it came to last spring’s budget. However, it did so by swallowing up the voices of families across Wisconsin. It put a vise around the options that children will have throughout the state. It limited the chances that Wisconsin’s students have to thrive in the classroom.

This moratorium on school choice may have solved an immediate problem, but it will help to perpetuate a growing one. The next few years represented an excellent opportunity to reform and strengthen school choice in Wisconsin by building off of the experiences and correcting the mistakes of Milwaukee. Instead, students in the Badger State will be stuck thanks to political rhetoric.

Failure to Adjust Union Contracts in Milwaukee, Kenosha Leads to Most Teacher Reductions in Wisconsin

By Christian D’Andrea
MacIver Institute Education Policy Analyst

The Wisconsin Association of School District Administrators (WASDA) recently released a survey of many Wisconsin school districts to gauge how local institutions are dealing with the 2011-2013 state budget. The results painted a disappointing picture for the public schools, detailing staff cuts and larger classroom sizes on average across the state. However, a closer look suggests that two Wisconsin districts – districts that refused to reopen their contracts to make employee benefit contributions and save significant sums of money – may skew the overall outlook of these polls.

Milwaukee and Kenosha are two of the state’s three largest school districts. They serve 80,934 and 22,986 students, respectively, according to DPI’s latest enrollment counts. They are also the highest profile holdouts when it came to Act 10, employee benefit reform, and the 2011-2013 state budget.

We’ve covered the cases in Milwaukee and Kenosha before. Each district has chosen to maintain their preexisting contracts rather than modify them, which means that the two systems faced significant budget shortcomings in the current year. Had either district adjusted their contracts to accept employee contributions to health insurance and pension costs, millions of dollars would have been saved in both cities. This would have allowed more money to flow into the classrooms and save teaching jobs.

The impact of the district’s inability to renegotiate their contracts is staggering. The two cities are head-and-shoulders above the rest of Wisconsin when it comes to negative effects like teacher layoffs and increases in classroom sizes, according to the survey’s raw data.

The WASDA survey uncovered a reduction of 1,675.84 teaching positions in the state of Wisconsin for the current school year. Over half of these unfilled jobs came from Milwaukee and Kenosha.

Milwaukee and Kenosha combined for a reduction of 869 full time teaching positions for the 2011-2012 school year. Despite educating approximately one-seventh (14.6 percent) of the students covered in the WASDA survey, they constituted over half of the educator losses. 51.9 percent of the vacant jobs recorded in the raw data are from the two districts, including 613 unfilled positions in Milwaukee.

According to survey data, 61 teachers retired in Kenosha. Another 94 were laid off and 166 more did not have their contracts renewed for the 2011-2012 school year. In Milwaukee, there were 137 retirements, 345 layoffs, and 173 non-renewals amongst the teaching staff. Milwaukee also saw 325 teacher aides receive pink slips for the year, along with 64 members of their support staff. Conversely, Madison Metropolitan School District, the state’s second largest district, reported zero teacher layoffs for the school year.

Statewide, there was a student to teacher ratio of approximately 14.22 students for every teacher. In Milwaukee and Kenosha, this figure rose to 17.29. If you exclude the two cities – the state’s largest districts that have not included employee contributions to offset funding decreases contained in the 2011-2013 state budget – from Wisconsin’s total, the ratio drops to just under 13.8 students for every teacher in the state.

According to survey data, Milwaukee’s student:teacher ratio rose from 18.9 to 21.5 – the highest mark in the state. In Kenosha this figure increased from 13.7 to 16.1. It should be noted that the survey’s student:teacher ratio figures differ slightly from the raw data of dividing annual third Friday enrollment counts by teacher staffing data.

Many districts have faced financial hardships in the midst of Wisconsin’s economic downturn. However, the results of the WASDA survey aren’t as dramatic as they appear if you exclude the two largest districts; districts that refused to reopen their contracts and save teacher jobs. Milwaukee and Kenosha make up the bulk of the state’s disappointing results – but if they had agreed to concessions, their class sizes would have been smaller and fewer teachers – both young and old – would be looking for new positions.

Wisconsin State Educator Effectiveness System a Good Start, but Implementation Could Spur Problems

By Christian D’Andrea
Education Policy Analyst

Wisconsin’s new state educator effectiveness system will replace a flawed No Child Left Behind program, but it may not go far enough when it comes to evaluating teachers in the Badger State.

The new system would grade educators based on two key components – student achievement and in-class evaluations. The two measures would be weighted equally and combined to gauge a teacher’s effectiveness in the classroom. These teachers would then be given one of three labels – Developing, Effective, and Exemplary.

Developing teachers would be the worst of the three groups, and would require administrative intervention to either improve their standing or be removed from their position. These educators will be evaluated every year until they either level up or are expelled.

Teachers that test out in the Effective group will not have this obligation. Teachers labeled Exemplary will be offered leadership positions to spread their expertise to others. Educators in both groups will undergo evaluations once every three years after they have banked three years of classroom experience to start their careers.

This system puts two strong programs in place that can effectively gauge how teachers are performing under the right circumstances. Using value-added data gives teachers and administrators a solid idea of a student’s growth over the course of the school year. In-person evaluations give us an idea of aspects like classroom presence, hands-on teaching, and other important pieces that testing data cannot show. However, both have been implemented imperfectly in the past.

The idea of using value-added data in Wisconsin is still so foreign that the educator effectiveness system will need to devise its own data collection system in order to understand just how the state’s students are performing. Current programs, such as the Wisconsin Knowledge and Concepts Examination (WKCE), are either outdated, ineffective, or both when it comes to showing pupil growth and the impact of a teacher or classroom. Unfortunately, the educator effectiveness program will have to rely on aspects of preexisting standardize tests as part of their data collection, which opens the system to flaws.

As a result, the state will have three years to implement a new, value-added program by which students can be measured. This will mean creating a system that normalizes growth between school districts and creates a standard playing field for all districts in Wisconsin. In theory, it should be the new WKCE, a program by which citizens can gauge the state’s academic progress. In practice, it will be more difficult to implement combination of local and statewide standards.

A look at the state’s failure to update the WKCE casts doubt over the creation of a new data system. That test has been out of date since its inception and regularly criticized by teachers, administrators, and students. Despite these claims, the test has remained a staple of October test-taking in Wisconsin’s classrooms. The process of updating or replacing the exam has been postponed on several occasions, thanks in part to disagreements over its design and bureaucratic holdups. This includes recent delays that will push it back to the middle of the decade or later.

This experience with the WKCE will make the design and installation of the educator effectiveness program’s data collection process paramount to its success. If the program can be implemented smoothly, using well-researched methods that accurately track student progress over the course of a year within one teacher’s classroom, then this data will be invaluable. If the process gets corrupted or delayed, it will serve as just another incomplete measure that divulges little information from inside the state’s public schools.

Currently, the program calls for the use of statewide standardized assessments, individual Student Learning Objectives (SLOs), and district-based data chosen as a result of local improvement strategies. These data, along with other aspects, will make up the 50 percent of total evaluation for all teachers. However, relying on preexisting standardized testing modules, as well as allowing districts and individual classrooms to change the scope of data that dictates their effectiveness, could create problems in statewide comparisons and painting an overall picture. In short, relying on old systems that have shown flaws could create greater problems.

This segues into part two – teacher evaluations. Teacher evaluations statewide have earned criticism thanks to the volatility in their application from district to district and the seemingly low standards that teachers are held to in these short periods of observation. A Wausau Daily Herald report highlighted how little of an effect evaluations had on the city’s teachers over a five-year period. A questionably low number of teachers earned unsatisfactory grades – something that was also seen in the Milwaukee area.

The educator effectiveness program calls for upgrades and relative normalization of teacher evaluation programs statewide. Each district will have the chance to create their own rubrics, which could play a role in city-to-city inconsistencies but will still create a more centralized system of grading.

These evaluations and rubrics will be based off the 2011 Interstate Teacher Assessment and Support Consortium (InTASC) standards, which are a solid set of professional practice standards. For teachers, this means that their local districts will have to define the domains in which they’ll have to show mastery – or at the very least, competence.

This rubric will include consistency over multiple evaluations, as observations and other supplemental data will be collected at several points throughout the year. Administrators tasked with orchestrating these observations will have to be trained beforehand to identify the InTASC standards, any specific changes their district has made, and apply the slate to the teaching performance that they oversee.

That’s a new level of responsibility beyond what principals had previously brought to the table in teacher evaluations.

However, one of the issues with evaluations is time constraints. One of the problems with Wisconsin’s prior forms of teacher grading was that local principals often scrambled to find enough time for one or two classroom sit-ins per year. The implementation of this program will necessitate the creation of a new class of Department of Public Instruction worker in order to facilitate these in-person evaluations.

The concern here will be filling these positions for the 2014-2015 rollout.

Expanding the scope of in-class teacher evaluations and creating a standardized system for districts across Wisconsin is a strong step forward even without the addition of value-added student data. These reports will have to prove to be more comprehensive than the current system, which, at face value, does little to discipline bad teachers. Fortunately for the Badger State, branching out from InTASC standards and upping the importance and frequency of these visits should be a beneficial change.

There is much work to be done to implement the proposed educator effectiveness program. While the basis of the system is strong, it is also vulnerable thanks to Wisconsin’s history with student data collection and an ineffective past when it comes to disciplining bad teachers or rewarding good ones through classroom evaluations. This new program will have to be revolutionary when it comes to aggregating value-added data from students. Any compromise on the matter will leave the state with another half measure where a full measure is needed.

This applies to teacher evaluations as well. Though the plan for statewide reform is a strong one, it must be followed through in precise strokes to unify the process across the state. This reform, along with the idea of tying teacher grades to student performance, can affect meaningful, positive change. However, in the political minefield of Wisconsin public education in 2011, they are vulnerable for attack, and any weakness could turn the system into an expensive albatross that hangs off the neck of Wisconsin’s classrooms everywhere.

Senate Passes Education Reform Bill That Ties Teacher Discipline to Student Results

The Assembly passed SB 95 early Friday morning, a somewhat controversial bill that affects several different aspects of educational reform in Wisconsin. The most discussed aspect of this legislation is a provision that allows standardized testing results to play a factor – but not the sole motivation – for evaluating and disciplining public school teachers.

This legislation is an effort to tie teacher evaluations to the performance of their students. This is something that was a large part of the past two Race to the Top applicationss that the state’s local educating authorities had balked at previously, in part due to the ineffectiveness of the WKCE and its inability to gauge an educator’s influence. This bill attempts to reconcile the spirit of that federal program with Wisconsin’s flawed testing process. Though low test scores could not be the sole reason to discharge, suspend, discipline, or lead to the nonrenewal of a teacher’s contract, they would play a role in human resources and accountability statewide.

While this legislation turns over a new page in educator accountability, critics have pointed to the failures of the WKCE to rally against SB 95. The state’s standardized test is woefully ineffective in displaying a teacher’s impact in the classroom. The exam is given once a year, in October, and reflects little of what a teacher can imprint on his or her students over the course of a full school year. Without value-added data, it is difficult to glean much meaningful information on educators through the WKCE.

Several other reforms were included in the bill. This includes:

  • A provision that will allow varsity athletes to earn partial physical education credits in high school.
  • A law that will allow schools to pick and choose which grades to apply Student Achievement Guarantee in Education (SAGE) grants to for financial reasons.
  • Stipulations that allow school boards to refuse enrollment to a pupil that has been expelled from a public school in another state or a Wisconsin charter school.
  • Eliminating the 200-day cap on the amount of days a teacher can teach in Milwaukee.

In all, the bill will act as a catch-all to implement some smaller reforms and introduce measures that will help schools work with other statewide programs.

Wisconsin Posts Slight Gains on 2011 Nation’s Report Card Results, Fourth Grade Reading Still Lags Behind Other Categories

America’s students posted slight increases when it comes to reading and math in the 2011 iteration of the Nation’s Report Card. Wisconsin made small strides to remain above the national average when it comes to education in the United States.

Twenty-two states posted significant increases in mathematics scores in either grade four or eight in this year’s National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) exam. Twelve performed similarly well in either grade when it came to reading. Wisconsin’s results, while positive, where not a strong enough improvement to qualify as a significant improvement.

Wisconsin’s fourth-grade reading score improved by one point to 221. This was a single point higher than the national average. While this was an increase, it is still lower than the state’s performance throughout the 1990s, which topped out at 224. Fourth-grade reading is the only category in which Wisconsin doesn’t outscore the national average by a statistically significant margin.

Eighth grade reading posted a similar increase, moving from 266 to 267. This was three points (1.1 percent) greater than the American average.

Regionally, these reading grades were comparable to Wisconsin’s neighboring states. Minnesota, Iowa, Michigan, Indiana, and Iowa all scored between 220-222 when it came to fourth-grade marks and between 265-270 amongst their eighth graders.

After starting above the national average, Wisconsin’s fourth-grade mathematics performance has improved in concert with the national average since 2007. After posting 244s in 2007 and 2009, this score rose to 245 in the 2011 iteration of the NAEP results. Regionally, this trailed only Minnesota in overall score, though all comparable Midwest states scored at least 240 on this metric.

The same can be said about the state’s eighth grade performance, which held true at six points above the national average by rising one point from 2009. Both scores placed second in the region, falling behind only Minnesota.

This was a modest turnaround from the state’s previous performances, where Wisconsin has turned in stagnant growth despite scoring above the national average. However, if the state cannot improve its reading prowess – a category in which the state has actually decreased amongst fourth graders – then the Badger State will stand at risk of falling behind the rest of the country.

Wisconsin’s fourth-grade reading scores in 2009 were the lowest they had ever been (since the records were kept in 1992), clocking in at 220 after posting a 223 in 2007. In 2011, 68 percent of students scored “basic” or better on the test, a four-point decrease from the state’s highest showing in 1998. In eighth grade, 79 percent of students showed basic reading skills. This is the same result as in 1998, the first recorded year of 8th grade testing. It is apparent that Wisconsin has struggled to show consistent gains when it comes to reading.

This static performance applies across the differing gauges of reading ability. Reading proficiency has remained right around one-third of all students in Wisconsin since the early 1990s. Fewer than half of the students that test out at “basic” move on to the next level of results. In short, the Badger State’s reading performance has remained roughly the same for nearly two decades now.

Math scores have followed a more positive trajectory in recent years. Performance in both fourth and eighth grade has risen in NAEP mathematics since the early 1990s.  2011’s results continue this trend, despite the modest growth. However, the state’s growth remains behind the United States average when it comes to improvement.

Since 1992, the state’s fourth-grade math scores have increased from 229 to 245, a rise of approximately seven percent. The American average has gone from 219 to 240 in that same span, a total increase of about 9.6 percent.

In eighth grade, Wisconsin improved from a score of 274 to 289, about 5.5 percent better than their 1990 figure. The national average rose from 263 to 282. That represents an increase of nearly eight percent in all.

This suggests that while Wisconsin continues to perform well on these metrics, the rest of the country is catching up over the long run. While the Badger State still has breathing room before falling to the national average, modest improvements may leave the state spinning its wheels while reformers like Hawaii, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and the District of Columbia gun for Wisconsin’s spot in the rankings.

Wisconsin Public School Districts Rate Average or Worse Compared to the World’s Developed Countries

By Christian D’Andrea
MacIver Institute Educational Policy Analyst

A new tool allows Wisconsinites to compare their local school districts to countries across the world, and many of the Badger State’s large districts are falling behind the international standard.

The Global Report Card a metric devised by researchers Jay P. Greene and Josh McGee, was unveiled last week by the George W. Bush Presidential Center. Its purpose is to allow for a greater understanding of how America’s schools measure up across the world beyond just NAEP statewide data and comparisons.

The tool shows that Wisconsin’s largest school districts are struggling to keep pace with their developed neighbors.

The Bush Center’s research uses countries like Australia, Canada, Finland, Ireland, Japan, Norway, Slovenia, Taiwan, and the United Kingdom to create comparisons between U.S. districts and competing nations. For this piece, we tracked Wisconsin’s 15 largest districts against the 25 developed countries included in the Center’s Global Report Card. The results suggest that public education in the state’s largest cities is failing to keep pace on a worldwide scale.

WI Districts vs. the World

Of Wisconsin’s 15 largest school districts, Milwaukee and Kenosha fared the worst. Only Oshkosh hit the 50 percentile of all countries in math. This means that 14 of the state’s biggest districts fare worse than the median rate of students worldwide.

This number rose in 13 of the districts when it came to reading scores. The majority of the state’s districts (eight) scored above the 50th percentile in reading proficiency. However, these numbers get even direr if you compare these schools and their students to America’s neighbor to the north.

WI Districts vs. Canada

Not one of the state’s 15 largest districts outperforms Canada’s median rate of proficiency in math or reading. In Milwaukee, the average student is better in math than just nine percent of Canadian pupils. In reading, this figure is just 17 percent.

The results paint a disappointing picture for Wisconsin. Though the report’s 25 developed countries aren’t a comprehensive list, they do provide a solid international metric against which the Badger State’s proficiency can be measured. The inability of Wisconsin’s biggest districts to crack the 60th percentile suggests that the value of the state’s public education is falling behind the worldwide standard. If Wisconsin, a state with a solid, if stagnant, record in the upper half of American education results, is producing mediocre scores, this could present a legitimate issue for the United States as a whole.

While Wisconsin is keeping its head above water on a national scale, several other states have caught up as education reform grew stagnant here. Now, Greene and McGee’s research suggests that other developed nations are beginning to leave the Badger State behind as well. It’s a grim reality that could have major repercussions for the state and the country if it can’t be corrected.

On Ayers and the Occupiers

By James Wigderson
Special Guest Perspective for the MacIver Institute

Elisabeth Kubler-Ross wrote, “There are no mistakes, no coincidences. All events are blessings given to us to learn from.” In a moment of synchronicity, former Weather Underground leader Bill Ayers visited Milwaukee on Saturday just as the “Occupy Wall Street” protests gained a local shadow, “Occupy Milwaukee.”

So much of the current activism on the political left is nostalgia for the 1960s without remembering what really happened. Ayers and others helped organize the Chicago “Days of Rage,” and later the group engaged in a bombing campaign in an attempt to overthrow society. His wife Bernadine Dohrn (formerly of Whitefish Bay) was a fellow radical that bombed the Capitol. Ayers’ Weather Underground was also responsible for bombing the Pentagon and a New York police station.

Second thoughts may have begun when a few of Ayers’ comrades in the revolution blew themselves up attempting to manufacture a nail bomb. By then Ayers and his comrades had declared war on “Amerika” (it wasn’t until later radicals used three k’s) and went “underground.”

Despite most of the charges getting dropped in 1973 because of the surveillance methods used by the government, Ayers did not turn himself in until December 3, 1980. Soon Ayers was, in his words, “Guilty as hell, free as a bird—America is a great country.”

Ayers and his fellow radicals began their long marches through the institutions that they wanted to overthrow. Back in the upscale Chicago neighborhood so contrary to his radical posing, Ayers eventually found a home, of course, in the education establishment teaching at the University of Illinois at Chicago. It’s in those circles that he became friends with a community organizer, future President Barack Obama.

Obama was elected president promising “hope and change;” a program of a radical departure from the previous administration’s foreign and economic policies; and, a complete remaking of the health care economy in the United States.

After a failed stimulus program, a Wall Street bailout that Obama supported, bailouts for General Motors and Chrysler, a teacher “bailout,” and a reluctant continuing of the War on Terror (including keeping the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay), things have not worked out as well as the political left had hoped. We still have rampant unemployment, the new federal takeover of health care is unpopular and under attack as unconstitutional, and the promised new, “green economy” looks suspiciously like the same old crony capitalism.

A new political force on the right has formed, the Tea Party movement, which is united in its quest for a less expansive, less expensive government. The elections of 2010 were a disaster for Democrats. Democrats reacted with rage at the election results in Wisconsin when they lost both chambers of the legislature and the governor’s mansion. Adding to the injury was the loss by their beloved Senator Russ Feingold to businessman Ron Johnson.

The Icon was defeated by a plastics manufacturer, for crying out loud.

The political left was already looking for an excuse to launch a recall effort against Walker (Yes, there were cries for his recall on the morning of his Inauguration) and they found a cause around which they could rally in the collective bargaining issue. Organized labor has made Wisconsin the last stand, and has even been funding dead-end protesters in the Capitol long after the spotlight has faded and Walker’s reforms are beginning to work.

Now it’s time for another round of labor-supported protests and the “Occupy” movement comes to Wisconsin. They can’t protest against the establishment because the establishment belongs to them now. They can’t protest against President Obama because he’s one of them. They protest against “the war,” almost absent-mindedly forgetting who is running it. (By the way, we just sent troops to central Africa to intervene in another civil war.)

The economy is bad, so the “Occupy” movement protests against “Wall Street” and the “banks” even though Obama receives more money from Wall Street than anyone else and supported TARP.

That leaves the self-indulgent demands. One Wisconsin Now, usually more obsessed with the scatological, had a banner at the march complaining about the high cost of student loans. No word on when they will protest at the University of Wisconsin – Green Bay against the retirement and re-hiring of Vice Chancellor Tom Maki, or for that matter other wasteful spending and abuse in the UW System driving up tuition costs.

Never mind that these supposed adults were making a calculated risk when they signed themselves up for such debt with an expected payoff after graduation. They want their debts to be erased by the very banks that Obama supported bailing out when they made risky loans to people in part because of prodding by the government in the first place.

Shakespeare’s rebel Jack Cade in Henry VI would have fit in well with these protesters when he promised, “I charge and command that, of the city’s cost, the pissing-conduit run nothing but claret wine this first year of our reign.”

Unfortunately as the protesters demonstrate against “capitalism” and for forgiven college debt, they’re showing that they need not so much as college loan forgiveness, but refunds for their failed educations. They believe, as Robert Heinlein once wrote, that if they pray hard enough they can make water run uphill. “How hard? Hard enough to run uphill, of course.”

And so they demand to forget how we got to this point, the continued 9% unemployment and more foreign wars. They’ll avoid any mention of their own personal responsibility for their economic situations while scapegoating “Wall Street.”

It’s fitting Bill Ayers brought his hate America shtick to town this weekend. (Note that’s America with a ‘c’ now–he’s a cleaned up academic now) The left in Wisconsin has a lot in common with Ayers and others who practice terrorism.

You need to be vigilant in opposition to them, no matter how often they fail. They can fail again and again and again (Kloppenburg, court challenges, senate recalls), but only need to succeed once to have incredible impact.

The Occupiers are engaging in a difficult gamble. It takes a whitewash of the memory to blame so many other people and institutions when the fault lies in themselves and the president they continue to support. No wonder Bill Ayers was an attraction Saturday night for the education establishment. He’s no longer a terrorist. That’s forgotten, too.

Good thing there were protesters at Ayers’ event to remind the attendees of the unrepentant terrorist’s past transgressions. The protesters of Ayers’ appearance were far more representative of the 99% of Americans than those “occupying” Zeidler Park.

Read to Lead Plan Nears Unveiling Stage, but Changes Could Mar Effectiveness

by Christian D’Andrea
MacIver Institute Educational Policy Analyst

After months of discussion and debate, Wisconsin’s Read to Lead program is moving closer to a formal unveiling. However, the state’s reading initiative will have some key differences from the Florida model that it is based upon.  Given Florida’s impressive results and just how far ahead their kids are compared to Wisconsin, one must wonder why Wisconsin changed anything?

Several new aspects of reading education are planned for the program’s unveiling and implementation in the coming months. This includes an added onus on teacher readiness – including stronger licensing requirements and greater access to professional development – as well as a screening test for kindergarteners in order to prompt intervention at the earliest stages. However, one major policy regarding social promotion will not be implemented in the Badger State.

Regular visitors to MacIver know about the dramatic improvement in Florida’s educational system.  This slate of Wisconsin reforms was based on Florida’s experience, where early intervention has helped spark a turnaround for young students. One of the biggest components of the Sunshine State’s program was a stipulation that all students must pass a basic reading comprehension test to move on from third to fourth grade. Any student who fails is held back until they can ably demonstrate proficient reading skills – barring parental and teacher appeals. This component has helped reform the state’s educational outcomes to a point where Florida’s Hispanic students alone outscore Wisconsin’s entire student body when it comes to fourth-grade reading skills.

This element won’t be a part of Wisconsin’s reading reform. There is no component for retaining students in third grade based on their inability to demonstrate basic reading skills.

This could be problematic for the Read to Lead reforms. While teachers and administrators will face the challenge of improving reading comprehension through stronger methods, little of this increased burden will be transferred to students and their families. The prospect of repeating a grade is something that got little support from local educators and parents. However, it may be a necessary threat not only to spur students to make a stronger commitment, but to increase the levels of parental involvement as well.

More importantly, removing this stipulation could allow underprepared students to get lost in the later grades. As the saying goes “by third grade you are learning to read. After third grade, you are reading to learn.”

Without parents and educators on board with making reading a top priority for passing, Read to Lead will move on without some of the power that made a similar program a success in Florida. While teachers absolutely play an integral role in a student’s development when it comes to literacy, this consequence could have presented an opportunity to increase parental and community inputs to education in the state. More importantly, it leaves the door open for underprepared students to matriculate to higher grades where they can be fall further behind without proper reading skills.

Despite this drawback, the plan represents a significant step forward for Wisconsin. Shifting a greater focus towards reading will help students in a state where NAEP scores have remained relatively static in recent years.

The new reading metrics will also sync with Common Core of Data standards. This means that the data gleaned from these tests will be comparable across both districts and states throughout America. The Wisconsin Knowledge and Concepts Examination (WKCE) can only be compared through districts and offers little in terms of national comparisons.

The added focus on teacher readiness and ability to identify and intervene with struggling students is also encouraging. A kindergarten screener will help schools focus on children with reading problems. Added teacher preparation in the younger grades will play a big role in helping these students. However, many districts have recently cut back on pay raises for professional development, so the participation in these programs will be interesting to track.

It’s a good move for Wisconsin, but will it be enough? Florida’s model proved that turnarounds aren’t impossible, and the Badger State is starting at a higher point than Florida did a decade ago. Still, the threat of grade retention was an honest challenge that not only motivated students and families, but ensured that students matriculating through grade school were prepared for the challenges ahead of them. This led not only to better reading scores, but higher graduation rates down the road.

Maybe Wisconsin won’t need that aspect of the reform. Perhaps it would have been too much of a burden for teachers, parents, and students to carry. Still, including a provision that ends social promotion for kids that can’t grasp basic reading concepts by third grade would have been an impactful statement towards education in Wisconsin. We’ll have to see if Read to Lead can be successful without it.

UW-System Task Force Finalized, Prepared to Look at Autonomy on Campuses Across Wisconsin

By Christian D’Andrea

MacIver Institute Education Policy Analyst

Months after the argument raged over how much local control Wisconsin’s state universities should have, a task force is finally in place to debate the reach of centralized oversight in higher education. University of Wisconsin-Madison Vice Chancellor Darrell Bazzell was the final addition to a committee that will focus on determining how much of a role the Board of Regents should play in campus regulation across the state.

The Special Task Force on University of Wisconsin Restructuring and Operational Flexibilities will study the problems facing the UW System and recommend changes to university practices. This group was created in the 2011-2013 budget after a debate raged over potential plans to break UW-Madison from the control of the state’s Board of Regents. The Board of Regents currently oversees operations at all Wisconsin campuses.

However, the Board’s authority has been clipped in 2011 in the midst of the debates over organizational control. The UW-System balked at a proposal supported by the governor and then-Chancellor Biddy Martin that would have extended an unprecedented amount of autonomy to the Madison campus. This plan would have effectively separated the school from both the Regents and the UW System, allowing for streamlined decision making statewide.

This plan was scrapped, due in part to the emergence of the Wisconsin Idea Partnership, which kept all schools under the Board of Regents but conceded some elements of organizational control – class/major offerings, for example – to local administrations. At UW-Madison, this includes the ability to create human resource policies like hiring and compensatory procedures.

This panel will examine the benefits and drawbacks of campus control versus statewide decision-making. It is composed of 17 members and funded through $50,000 set aside in the 2011-2013 state budget. It includes figures like state senatorsSheila Harsdorf (R-River Falls) and Chris Larson (D-Milwaukee), as well as University of Wisconsin Chancellors Dennis Shields (Platteville), Richard Wells (Oshkosh), and Bazzell. Board of Regents member Michael Falbo will serve as Chairman of the task force.

Member

Title

Joe Alexander Former Student Regent
Darrell Bazzell Vice Chancellor, UW-Madison
Joanne Brandes Board of Directors member, Carroll University
Ray Cross Chancellor, UW Colleges and Extension
Steve Doyle State Representative, Onalaska
Michael Falbo* Member, Board of Regents
Sheila Harsdorf State Senator, River Falls
Tim Higgins Small business owner
Chris Larson State Senator, Milwaukee
Fred Mohs Former Regent
Steve Nass State Representative, Whitewater
David Olien UW System Senion Vice President Emeritus
Renee Ramirez Former Chair, Wisconsin Alumni Assoc.
Dennis Shields Chancellor, UW-Platteville
Pat Strachota State Representative, West Bend
Mark Tyler President, Wisconsin Technical College System Board
Richard Wells Chancellor, UW-Oshkosh
*Chairperson

This group will have a long road ahead of them. The effects of the Wisconsin Idea Partnership will take time to develop, so the true impact of a system that gives metered power to all campuses instead of expansive autonomy to the state’s flagship university won’t be readily apparent. As Wisconsin’s campuses progress under softer regulation, this task force will weigh the merits of more freedom and less uniformity under the Board of Regents’ umbrella.

One major aspect that this task force will have to consider is the separation of research universities from comprehensive universities. UW-Madison and UW-Milwaukee face many different challenges than their peers throughout the UW System. While a selective veto afforded the Madison campus enhanced power when it comes to recruiting and hiring top-flight staff, other UW schools have been left behind. These panelists will have a limited window of opportunity to examine the tangible effects of the changes that were made this summer.

No two campuses are alike, but institutions in Madison and Milwaukee share few similarities with the state’s comprehensive universities. The Special Task Force on University of Wisconsin Restructuring and Operational Flexibilities will have to take these differences under careful consideration when preparing their recommendations for the future. Hamstringing the state’s major public institutions could have repercussions that stretch far into the future, affecting not only these schools but also a generation of students.

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